The “Resource Curse” and the Democratic Republic of Congo: Understanding Resource Richness as a Catalyst for Conflict

Source: Natural  Resource Governance Institute

Introduction

According to the National Resource Governance Institute, the resource curse is a concept that refers to the ‘significant social, economic and political challenges that are unique to countries rich in natural resources such as oil, gas and minerals.’ The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a striking example of this phenomenon. This paper examines the DRC’s experience with the resource curse from a political-economic standpoint, tracing its roots from the nation's colonial exploitation to present-day struggles. It illustrates the historical continuities and dynamics that have shaped DRC’s political and economic governance. 

Colonial History 1885-1960

The DRC’s colonial history occurred in two phases: by King Leopold II of Belgium from 1885 to 1908 and by the Belgian state from 1908 to 30 June 1960. During King Leopold II’s reign, the DRC was the Congo Free State (CFS). The CFS was characterized by violence and resource exploitation. As King Leopold II’s colony, various regions of the CFS were granted concessions to private European companies. These companies engaged in resource extraction through extreme violence. When production quotas were not met, it was common for workers and their fellow villagers to be dismembered as a form of retribution. At least 10 million people are estimated to have died under King Leopold II’s rule due to brutality and other causes- approximately half of the country’s population at the time. The CFS existed during intense international demand for rubber, making it a highly lucrative colony for King Leopold II and European companies. There was no investment in human capital, highlighting a capitalist and cruel desire for the Congolese population to remain only as labourers with no individual or societal advancement. Under the Belgian state in the 1950s, a small educated elite began emerging; nevertheless, education was only limited to high school. The only access to tertiary education was through religious seminaries. As a result, the DRC’s independence movement was primarily led by educated men through seminaries. 

Post-Independence Crisis 1960s-1970s

The aftermath of the DRC’s independence was catastrophic. As a Belgian general at the time remarked, 'before independence = after independence', ’as essentially every professional job was occupied by Belgians and the native Congolese only functioned as blue-collar workers and labourers. This lack of native human capital meant that assuming responsibility for the country was challenging for the Congolese. A more pressing issue for the newly independent DRC was Belgium’s continued efforts to maintain control. After favouring centralisation for years, the Belgians wanted the DRC state to assume a federalised structure. Federalism would have enabled Belgium to continue exploiting the country's resource-rich regions.

With Belgian support, Congolese proxies began a secessionist movement in the Southern province of Katanga. However, this movement was unsuccessful and caused regional tensions that continue today. Following the assassination of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in 1961, General Joseph Mobutu seized power in a 1965 coup. He would change the country’s name into Zaire and turn it into a dictatorship and kleptocracy until his ousting in 1997.  By the 1970s, the DRC’s economy was contracting due to Mobutu’s extreme corruption and embezzlement of state funds. Furthermore, foreign businesses were nationalised and handed over to the ruling elites, who ‘ran them to the ground in a few months’. The resulting decrease in productivity was cataclysmic for the country’s economy, directly contributing to recession.

Public funds acquired from natural resources were used as a tool of power. In essence, for the thirty-two years that Mobutu was in power, the DRC did not have a government interested in the country's development; instead, it had officials who cared about personal gain. There was a large capital flight of funds and savings being moved abroad. This is not different from the European companies who transferred their profits abroad during colonisation instead of reinvesting in the country. Hence, there is a clear continuity of the DRC being viewed as a lucrative business both during colonial times and after independence.

Mobutu was overthrown by Laurent Kabila in the First Congo War (1994 – 1997). The Rwandan genocide triggered the war, as Hutu génocidaires sought refuge in the DRC and planned further attacks on Rwanda. Thus, Kabila was backed by Rwanda (and Uganda) as they both had the same goal: to replace the government in Kinshasa as it did not accommodate their interests. After assuming power, Kabila expelled Rwandan and Ugandan troops to eliminate foreign influence. Consequently, this resulted in the Second Congo War (1997 – 2003), where Rwanda and Uganda backed an anti-Kabila revolt. The South African Development Community (SADC) offered to deploy troops to assist Kabila. It is important to note that during the First Congo War, nationality issues and politics of exclusion added a complex dynamic to the conflict. Mobutu’s government began discriminating against Congolese Tutsis due to their alleged connection to the newly Tutsi-led government of Rwanda that was trying to overthrow him. Hence, part of the reason why Rwandan troops were in DRC was to help their fellow Tutsis. This was the bloodiest conflict, with 5 million Congolese killed. The Second Congo War had no set purpose as various rebel groups were involved, and allegiances changed throughout the war. What was clear, though, was that control over DRC’s natural resources was at stake for Rwanda and Uganda. Rwanda and Uganda occupied different mineral-rich areas of the DRC and plundered the country’s minerals, but they were met with no resistance. The rebel groups got involved in the illegal trading of resources. These resources were exchanged for weapons. Although the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement officially ended the war, numerous rebel groups remained active.

Present-Day Conflict and Resource Exploitation

The United Nations estimates that over 100 rebel groups operate in the DRC, ranging from small militias to well-organized ones. Unsurprisingly, most of these rebels are concentrated in eastern DRC, a region with abundant resources. A prominent group is the M23, which has recently made significant advances in the region. Observers suggest that M23 is a Congolese Tutsi-led group operating as a Rwandan proxy. It is fair to say that since King Leopold II’s time, Congolese people have benefited little from their country’s resource wealth. The country currently sits on untapped wealth worth $24 trillion. From independence to this day, the country has suffered from elite capture; hence, it is uncertain if the $24 trillion will benefit the common Congolese citizen.

Additionally, whilst the country faced secessionist wars during Mobutu's time, after the two Congo wars, it became apparent that it is along ethnic lines that current tensions arise. The involvement of the Rwandan government in Congolese affairs resulted in hostility towards Congolese Tutsis. Congolese Tutsis are concentrated in Eastern DRC, and various rebel groups are based there. Hence, any rebellion or attack from these groups will likely be framed as a response against ‘Tutsi traitors’. The shared hate for Rwanda has meant that for the majority of these 100 rebel groups, mobilisation of Congolese youth can easily be achieved by playing into anti-Tutsi sentiments. These groups raise revenue through resource exploitation; some even have sophisticated international support and finance networks. Thus, these rebel groups lack legitimacy, as it is evident they are only concerned with controlling strategic mineral-rich areas. 

Investing in Human Capital

A potential solution lies in investing in human capital. According to the World Bank, the country’s human capital index is 0.37, below the Sub-Saharan Africa average of 0.4. It ranks 164 out of 174 countries on the 2020 Human Capital Index. A large percentage of children in the DRC are in learning poverty. The country’s healthcare system is poor. With a political elite that embezzles public funds, it is uncertain how investing in human capital would come about. It is striking to compare the plight of the Congolese people under colonial rule and post-independence leadership. In a literal sense, excluding the dismemberment, the same way Congolese people laboured and died to produce minerals for the colonisers is the same way they are dying under the rule of their people. In the 1880s, Congolese people died to produce rubber for bicycle and automobile manufacture. Today, they are dying to produce coltan for the global energy transition.      

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Daniella Byishimo is a current second-year student at the Australian National University studying International Relations. I have a huge interest in economic policy. She mainly likes to focus on the development of the African region and the Global South. She hopes to work in Multilateral development banking.